equality and diversity – Escondido Framework

Lockdown reading: Piketty’s Capitalism and Ideology

The Year of Revolution - a clash of ideology Chartists meet on Kennington Common in 1848 — Chartists meet on Kennington Common in 1848 – the year of the Communist Manifesto and “All things bright and beautiful”

I went into the first Covid-19 lockdown in March with three doorstep sized volumes to keep me going.

The 912 pages of Hilary Mantel’s Mirror and the Light were riveting, even if I knew from the outset that Thomas Cromwell’s career would come to an abrupt end at Tower Hill in 1540. The 1088 pages of David Abulafia’s magisterial The Boundless Sea kept me entertained as it opened my eyes, chapter by chapter, to the way that different parts of the world became progressively connected by maritime exploration, communication and trade.

I had started turning the 1041 pages of Thomas Piketty’s Capital and Ideology before restrictions started to be lifted in May but, despite finding some stimulating ideas in his opening account of the different sources of power of different parts of premodern society (which he describes as ternary or trifunctional, and have echoes in the Escondido Framework’s account of the three currencies or sanctions), it was not until the re-imposition of lockdown (the UK government’s Tier 4 restrictions) that I finally completed it.

I admire much of what Piketty has done in Capital and Ideology. His effort to document the movements in the shares of income and wealth between different groups in different societies throughout human history, and particularly the past century or so, is admirable and revealing. It is possible to challenge some of his assumptions and definitions, but the picture he paints of the direction of the trends in material inequality are compelling. I agree with his spin on Rawls’s maximin principle: “To the extent that income and wealth inequalities are the result of different aspirations and distinct life choices or permit improvement in the standards of living and expansion of the opportunities available to the disadvantaged, they may be considered just.” (p.968). His chapters on the increasing support of the “Brahmin” classes educated to degree level for parties of the left and the corresponding “Nativist” alignment of parties of the traditional right and “left-behind” communities are persuasive. But the book is far longer than it needs to be, many of its graphs add little, and he strays from the professorial scholarship of the economist/social scientist-turned-historian into an undergraduate level of prescription.

Piketty’s underlying thesis is that “no human society can live without an ideology can live without an ideology to make sense of its inequalities.” I didn’t need to read 1041 pages to recognise this: growing up in a churchgoing family, I remember singing the third verse of “All Things Bright and Beautiful”

The rich man in his castle,
The poor man at his gate,
God made them, high and lowly,
And ordered their estate.

These days, it is generally omitted!

It may or not be a coincidence that Mrs Cecil F Alexander wrote these words in 1848, the “Year of Revolutions”, in which Marx and Engels also wrote The Communist Manifesto. Piketty chooses to reformulate the opening words of its first chapter “The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles” as “The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of the struggle of ideologies and the quest for justice.”

There is something in Piketty’s thesis about the relationship between the ideas that prevail at any point in time and the organisation of society and its impact on the distribution of wealth and income. It may be that I started out as a historian whereas has come to history by way of economics, but I find that he oversimplifies to sustain his argument. Ideas ebb and flow and they can influence behaviours, but this is not the same thing as saying that they determine behaviours. He falls into the trap of assuming that the behaviours that are generally ascribed to “capitalism” are the product of the past few centuries.

He frequently quotes Karl Polanyi with approval, who was even more blinkered in this respect, regarding capitalism as an entirely modern phenomenon. Peter Acton has undermined Moses Finlay’s thesis that the ancient economy was shaped by considerations of status and civic ideology rather than rational economic considerations, demonstrating in Poiesis: Manufacturing in Classical Athens demonstrates that the commercial decisions of Athenians “were for the most part…consistent with today’s understanding of good (rational, profit-maximising) business practice[1]. It does not require a 21^st century reading of the biblical parable of the talents to see that the notion of investing for a return was established by the time the Christian gospels were written. And Abulafia’s The Boundless Sea, contains plenty of evidence for the commercial underpinning of the development of maritime trade over many centuries. One of the primary shortcomings in Polanyi’s approach was that set very specific conditions around anything that he would define as a market and, by framing his argument in this way, created a platform for his dismissal of the longstanding heritage of commercial activity. It is as though Polanyi, and to a lesser extent Piketty, seek to dismiss market mechanisms and their place in human societies on the basis that, prior to Adam Smith and his successor, the conditions assumed in classical economics had neither been articulated nor did they prevail.

Essentially, it is not that Piketty is wrong, but his case is overstated and needs reframing. It is not that ideology determines the form of economic organisation, but it helps shape relationship between the parties. In Escondido Framework terms, the prevailing ideological frameworks will influence the attitudes and trade-offs made by parties in their relationships with each other at market interfaces. For example, a religious ordained prohibition on usury does not undermine the human behavioural drivers for gratification today over gratification tomorrow and discounting for risk (although these can be culturally influenced), but historically has resulted in work-arounds (eg Islamic finance) or lending being undertaken by a community less constrained by the prohibition. Certain activities, as in caste based societies, may be undertaken by tightly defined social groups, with implications for the commercial terms on which these activities take place. But this is not the preserve of caste societies: while the boundaries may be less clearly defined and not religiously ordained, even in contemporary society there is an intergenerational stickiness in occupations and values, traditions and attitudes acquired in childhood shape occupational choices and behaviours.

So, two cheers for Picketty for the underlying thesis. And, in due recognition of his own disclaimer in his concluding chapters, he has set out to provoke further debate and provide the foundation for further scholarship rather than provide the definitive answer

However, where I find Capital and Ideology most flawed in when Piketty moves from diagnosis to prescription. In particular, his leap from describing to the increasing inequality in economic outcome for the richest few percent compared to the poorer mass of the population to concluding that all would be solved by appointing worker representatives to corporate boards highlights the danger of straying too far from your own area of expertise.

The inequality that Piketty documents arises from the endowments that we start out with in life (geography, genetics, family wealth, upbringing, education) and our life choices and chances (too many possibilities to enumerate). These will shape whether we end up with investable wealth (the impact of this on equality is thoroughly documented in his earlier work: Capital in the 21^st Century) and whether we end up in positions in which we have market power and are able to extract economic rent, which has arisen most egregiously in recent years for executive directors of large companies as a result of shortcomings in corporate governance. Addressing inequality arising from our endowments needs primarily to be by “levelling up” in terms of investment in education and social support, particularly in early years, and widening opportunities, but in relation to inherited wealth is a proper area for taxation. Addressing inequality arising from investable wealth is also clearly an issue for taxation and also needs international solutions, but is a complex matter not least because of the risk of creating perverse incentives and unintended outcomes. Taxation has its place in addressing inequalities in income, but as with addressing issues surrounding taxation of wealth and wealth transfer, is also fraught with difficulty. Piketty raises these issues quite correctly.

But addressing inequality arising from market power and the ability to extract economic rent is a proper matter for better corporate governance and regulation to address market failure. Piketty fails to recognise the role of market failure and consequently the need to address this, and also the problem of the increasing ability of corporate management (and some of the services that support them), to extract economic rent (ironically, at least in part, at the expense of the owners of investible wealth), and that this is purpose behind the need for reform of corporate governance. His own prescription, worker representation on boards, is not the solution for reasons that I have argued elsewhere. Rather, and this comes back to his underlying thesis around ideology, there is a need to widen the understanding about the proper purpose of the company (the core of the Escondido Framework), and an improved understanding of the role of boards in serving them.

[1] Acton P (2014) Poiesis: Manufacturing in Classical Athens. New York: Oxford University Press

“…… because they still do the same thing: they primarily serve shareholders”

Dame Vivien Hunt, until this year managing partner of McKinsey’s offices in the UK and Ireland, has written in today’s Financial Times on workplace diversity and equality under the heading “Change how boards work to achieve to true diversity”.

She asks why, when one third of the seats on the boards of FTSE 100 companies are now occupied by women, “those boards still look similar……still filled with people who have the same skills carved out of similar professions, networks and university degrees.” Her explanation is that it is “because they still do the same thing: they primarily serve shareholders.”

I am pleased that one of the current leaders of the organisation where I started my professional career takes such an unambiguous and very public position strong position on both the composition of boards and their purpose. Back in the 1980s, most of my colleagues were beholden to the orthodoxy of “shareholder value” and, although there were a small number of senior non-white consultants (including Keniche Ohmae, who led the Tokyo office, and Rajat Gupta, who became an office managing partner shortly after I left and subsequently global managing partner), the firm was anything but diverse.

Dame Vivien argues that “we need to find people who represent not only our investors but everyone else – from buyers to suppliers, to local communities, to our natural environment”. Her use of language and her argument is not entirely clear here: her article could easily be interpreted as making a case for a board of representatives of stakeholders as opposed to a board that understands the broader mandate of the company and the need to take all stakeholders’ interests into account.

I have argued elsewhere against boards being composed of representatives of stakeholders. As is implicit in Dame Vivien’s article, directors should have a duty to all stakeholders, because their wellbeing of all groups is critical to the wellbeing of the company. Furthermore, in UK unitary boards composed of executives and non-executives, at the board may be the executive directors responsible for sales and marketing who should be the effective advocates for interests of consumers if they are fulfilling their role understanding and satisfying consumer needs. Similarly, executive directors of workforce and of operations should be able to represent to colleagues, who may place a primacy on the interests of shareholders and customers, the interests of the people they recruit, support, and manage. Whether or not they are full board members, most large companies employ directors of communications and public affairs (or similar) whose primary role may be to advocate externally for the company but also represent to the board the case for taking into account the interests of local communities, the environment, politicians and lobbyists.

Her underlying argument for diversity on boards is compelling, not for the purposes of representation but because a genuinely diverse board “brings diversity of thought, skills and experience that will lead to better decision making”. However, better decision making also depends on boards understanding their purpose of their companies, which is the sustainable creation of value for all those the company engages with, by producing goods or services more efficiently than would be possible in the absence of the company. The purpose of the company is not the creation of shareholder value: shareholder value is the necessary return provided to shareholders in return for their investment and the sustainable creation of shareholder value is the result of serving the interests of all stakeholders.

I was thrilled to read Dame Vivien’s piece and pleased to see her continued work championing diversity in business. But, notwithstanding my concern about some of the logical flow and detail in her argument, I was even more encouraged to see her set out the case that genuine diversity on boards will not be achieved until shareholder primacy is consigned to the waste bin.

Moody’s says Lloyds’ ethnic diversity plan is ‘credit positive’

The Financial Times reports today that Lloyds Banking Group’s plans for promoting more black employees have been described by Moody’s as “credit positive”, the first time that a credit agency has explicitly linked a company’s stability to ethnic diversity measures. Moody’s has not gone as far as to upgrade Lloyd’s credit rating at this point, but it clearly indicates that Lloyds’ plans are “credit positive [implying that they have the potential to reduce the company’s cost of capital, even if not immediately] because they will improve staff diversity at all levels and reduce Lloyds’ exposure to social risk”.

Lloyds has stated that it recognises that some groups are under-represented in its ranks. Anyone viewing the current TV advertising campaign for its domestic mortgage lending arm, Halifax, showing a diverse mix of staff ready to serve customers despite working under Covid-19 restrictions at home, can see that Lloyds is not talking about front-line staff in this instance. It has set a target to increase five-fold the number of black staff in senior roles by 2025 and will be publishing data on its ethnicity pay gap.

Investors and rating agencies have been taking increasing account of environmental, social and governance (ESG) risks, reflecting the importance of sustainability, on all measures, to the corporation and to those who invest in it or lend to it. The note about Lloyds published by Moody’s on Thursday is a welcome acknowledgement of the work Lloyds is undertaking. Action of this sort should improve internal culture, communication, engagement and ultimately operational performance and profitability. The motivation behind showing a diverse face to the TV audience is that it contributes to winning customers and increasing revenue. The response of Moody’s suggests that yields benefits in addressing the capital market interface, ultimately increasing access to capital and reducing its cost.

Let us hope that Moody’s response to Lloyds’ efforts spurs others to recognise that action on equality, diversity and inclusion is good for business.

Black Lives Matter: Three Currencies at work

The Black Lives Matter campaign, given the most enormous boost by the killing of George Floyd, provides a powerful example of the “three currencies” at work.

The roots of the movement illustrate the three currencies: in the cash employing commerce of the Triangular Trade of the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and the slavery plantations of the Caribbean and the American South, the brute force employed by tribal chiefs and British slavers in West Africa and subsequently by slave masters, and in the cultural norms that facilitated the establishment of companies by royal charter and act of Parliament and, in the United States until the Civil War, tolerated and legitimated continuing enslavement of uprooted black people for two hundred years.

The current movement illustrates the three currencies too.

Policing, principally but not exclusively in the United States, that relies on physical (in the case of George Floyd deadly) force is an application of power where the application of persuasion and influence have failed. Many observers argue that the overuse of force (including, in the United States, widespread resort to guns by police) ultimately frustrates the objective of achieving peaceful civil society, but that is generally not the belief of the shooters at the time. It is impossible to get into the mind of Derek Chauvin, the police office filmed with knee on Floyd’s neck. However, unless he mounts a defence in court of diminished responsibility as a consequence of a mental health disorder, we can only assume that his defence was that he believed that anything short of the force that he and his colleagues applied was insufficient.

Correspondingly, demonstrators who become rioters and throw missiles or charge a police line (albeit a police line is an application force) are deploying physical force reflecting the belief that the political expression of the demonstration is insufficient to achieve their purpose. Of course, it is possible to argue that rioting and throwing missiles may frustrate the purpose of the demonstration in the eyes of other demonstrators and the wider audience, but that is not the belief of the rioters themselves.

The toppling of statues, particularly that of Edward Colston, is an interesting case in terms of where the line is drawn between the application of physical force as a currency and the application of influence. It is indisputably criminal damage and the equally indisputable that the removal of the statue involved physical force. But the removal of the statue was an exercise of political expression designed to further a shift in a political and cultural norm in pursuit of a wider objective.

The expression of the mass demonstrations, particularly in the context of restrictions on public gathering as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic, has clearly been a very powerful application of power to influence an outcome through political means. There was already disgust felt widely across the world and within the American establishment without the demonstrations, but they have helped keep the story in the deadlines, have elicited positive responses from people in power (even if not from Donald Trump), and have generated accounts across mass media channels that probably both reflect a shift in public mood and reinforce it.

But what about Black Lives Matter as an expression of the third currency, cash? Just look at the way that corporate America has responded. What little I know of some of the corporate leaders who have spoken up to express their disgust at the conduct that result in the killing of George Floyd and others before him, satisfies me that most if not all of them instinctively oppose racism. However, most have spoken as clearly as they have in the knowledge that this will be good for their businesses. The messages coming out from the board room are not dog whistle statements designed to appeal to a “woke” audience without turning off an audience that is hostile to Black Lives Matter. Opposing racism is good for their businesses. Similarly, as a merchandise director with the UK’s largest retailer of stationery, in the 1980s I justified developing environmentally friendly (or at least environmentally less harmful) not just because I wanted to do my bit to help the save the planet, but because I was confident that it was going to be good for business – helping grow our sales and market share, enhance the standing of our brand, and attract the best and brightest young people to work for us. It hasn’t required a threat by the black community to boycott these US corporations, but the knowledge that wide swathes of the American population, black and white, will be influenced positively by the corporation taking a stand.